Governor Bill Riachardson (D-NM)
Click here to read Governor Richardson's responses in PDF format
ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL -
A BI-PARTISAN LOOK AT PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES' VIEWS ON
US-AFRICA RELATIONS...in their own words
1. Despite international efforts to resolve the Darfur conflict peacefully, the killings and rape continue in western Sudan, and the conflict is described as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. Similar mass atrocities have been visited on the people of northern Uganda and eastern Congo. If elected President of the United States, what specific actions would you take to end the genocide in Darfur, as well as the mass killings in Uganda and Congo? What preventive measures would you recommend to keep similar tragedies from becoming full-blown genocide in the future?
As President I will push for enough U.N. peascekeepers to make a difference and for tough sanctions against Sudan. I’ve met with the Sudanese leaders and I know that they will respond to sanctions with teeth. China has the Olympics coming up is 2008, which gives us leverage over them as well – and they, in turn, have leverage over Sudan. I was the first candidate to call for boycotting those Olympics if China doesn’t start using its influence over Khartoum to stop the violence. Some disagree with that decision, but I believe that genocide is more important than sports.
I do not believe we should intervene militarily in Darfur; we don’t need another military involvement right now. But there’s a lot more we can do to support the international humanitarian commitment to this crisis, including providing diplomatic and logistics support to the hybrid AU-UN force that is currently being put together.
I’ve spent a lot of time in Darfur and Sudan, and I know the reigon well. In 1996 I negotiated the release of a New Mexican Red Cross worker and two of his colleagues. Last fall I negotiated the release of three other hostages. In January I went to Darfur with the Save Darfur Coalition and worked to secure a fragile cease-fire. The cease-fire was intended to provide a setting for dialogue so all sides could negotiate a political solution-there is no military solution.
I said at the time that while we had agreement on a cease-fire, it would be up to the UN and African Union to continue the process and keep the pressure on all sides to actually lay down their weapons. I spoke directly with the UN Envoy to Sudan and to the African Union, but unfortunately the cease-fire we negotiate did not hold. Leadership from the White House could have helped make that happen.
However, our delegation’s efforts did result in improved conditions for humanitarian workers in Darfur, and a streamlined process to get them into and out of the country. Although improving humanitarian relief-access will not address the root causes, it will improve the responses and alleviate some of the suffering.
In Uganda, I would encourage momentum on the current dynamic, as it seems that the Juba talks are moving in the right direction. I believe that at this stage, the best thing that we can do is continue to provide diplomatic support to that effort. While serious humanitarian concerns remain, I believe that the best long-term solution is the peace process, and so as long as that process continues, the humanitarian issues will improve. Beyond a certain point in the process, we should begin to examine the possibility of American development aid.
In Congo, we should make vigorous diplomatic efforts to insist on non-interference from Congo’s neighbors, especially Rwanda, into internal Congolese matters. We must also coordinate with the UN and other key partners in Kinshasa to work toward a political solution for the east, not a military one, and the international community must be extremely careful in the planned drawdown of MONUC in 2008. We should not be overly hasty in withdrawing troops if it seems as though the operation is working and is vital to the health of the Congolese people.
The most effective tool we have for combating corruption in other nations is to tie our aid money to good governance. President Bush was on the right track back in 2002 when he proposed the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) as a new means of working with aid-recipient countries that had good track records in a democracy, human-rights promotion, and market reforms. Unfortunately, the administration has under-funded and under-staffed the MCC from the beginning, and there are signs now that the agency is being politicized and is being pressured by the White House to choose nations for candidate-status that are not even democracies.
Additionally, there are transparency mechanisms that we should pursue for extractive industries. The Kimberely Process is a good example of government, NGOs, and the private sector working together to try to eliminate conflict diamonds. As President, I will encourage and converse similar organizations for other industries.
2. Africa is blessed with abundant natural resources, especially petroleum, diamonds and valuable products. Unfortunately, much of this natural wealth is not brought to bear for the benefit of African citizens. As President, how would you work with resource-rich but economically poor countries in Africa to ensure that their incoming revenues from oil, gas and mining, as well as from other resources, are used to promote poverty alleviation and development rather than simply to fill the coffers of corrupt officials? How would you act to effectively seek the recovery of stolen bilateral aid money?
Both through our bilateral aid and our influence in multinational institutions such as the World Bank and the United Nations Development Program, the U.S. must energetically emphasize the importance of sustainable practices. The day is long gone when we can undertake large development projects without careful regard for their environmental impact sustainability.
3. Africa is facing several environmental challenges, including climate change that threatens traditional African livelihoods, dwindling water resources that deprive more than 300 million people access to safe water and may lead to conflict, diminishing agricultural capacity that has lead to food dependency and disappearing plant and animal species that threaten Africa’s great biodiversity. Given the importance of African ecosystems to the continent and the world as a whole, what policies would you pursue as President to help African nations face these challenges such that the solutions are linked to sustainable development practices?
As President, I will strongly champion debt-forgiveness for less developed nations that meet reasonable standards of transparency to ensure that the impact of debt relief is felt by the people in these countries, not just the politicians. We must champion international negotiations with all donor nations, and we must set an impeccable example through our own implementation of debt relief.
4. Two years ago, the G8 discussed 100% debt relief for the poorest countries, a large increase in development aid and changes to world trade rules that to make it easier for African economies to grow. However, these ideas have yet to be fulfilled through the policies of donor nations. The United Kingdom took the lead on these issues, but the United States and other G8 nations have been reluctant to follow through. As President, how would you deal with the issue of African debt so that poor nations are not crushed under this growing financial burden while ensuring that monies that formerly went to debt service were now able to be devoted to the social and economic needs of these nations?
American trade and investment is Africa is most effective when it benefits both Americans and Africans. My, guiding principles regarding American trade and investment in Africa are in line with my principles regarding trade throughout the world. We need to move beyond simplistic notions of free trade versus protectionism, and instead devise a global trade society for the 21st century that acknowledges the complex interdependencies of the global society. For trade agreements to be fair, environmentally-beneficial, and politically-sustainable today, they need to take account of the huge gaps in levels of development around the world, including Africa. Trade accords must have enforceable mechanisms to insure respect for core International Labor Organizations standard, including work conditions, minimum wages, occupational safety, child labor, the right to collective bargaining, and the prohibition of compulsory and slave labor.
5. When the African Growth and Opportunity Act was first introduced in Congress in the mid-1990s, its mantra was “trade not aid.” However, at least 80% of AGOA trade involved oil and natural gas. What strategies would you propose as President to ensure that African small and medium enterprises outside the extractive industries more broadly realized the benefits of AGOA, which offer more than 6,500 items that Africans can export to America quota-free and duty-free? What would your guiding principles be as regards American trade and investment in Africa?
The Chinese are our strategic competitors, and while their role in Africa should be monitored, it is not necessarily harmful, and, if handled correctly, could even be beneficial for Africans, Americans, and Chinese alike. A short-sighted “contest for Africa,” however, between China and the U.S. will advance neither our interests nor those of Africans.
We should focus, rather, on collaboration with similar-minded partners and on crafting effective development programs that promote good governance and economic growth. If the results of our programs are better, African countries will continue to turn to us.
Additionally, we must not be afraid to call China to task for supporting regimes that are serial human-rights violators. China has extraordinary leverage with the government in Khartoum, among others, and as I stated above, I believe that we must apply pressure to China so that China will apply pressure to Sudan. Calling for a boycott of the Beijing Olympics, which I have done, is an important first step.
6. China has become a major international player in Africa through its increasing level of investments in Africa, especially in the extractive industries, as well as numerous infrastructure projects. The Chinese also have promised African leaders that they will double aid and scholarships for African students. However, the G8 nations have warned China that its promise of $5 billion in cheap loans and credit without conditions could worsen Africa’s debt crisis and cause a repayment problem. Moreover, Western nations are concerned that China will be an impediment to the promotion of transparency and good governance in Africa if China is not supportive of international efforts in this regard. What steps would you take as President to address the issue of China’s role in Africa? Do you see the Chinese role as harmful or helpful overall to African nations?
The overall thrust of my policy toward Africa will be a focus on development, in terms of both governance and the economy, as well as capacity-building. A strong, stable Africa is in the best interest of the whole planet, and it is past time that Washington started making Africa a policy.
The problem of AIDS, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and unemployment are all most effectively meet through a development-centered strategy, but there are additional steps that the U.S. can and should take. As President, I will work with drug companies to create public-private partnerships so that HIV/AIDS, and that we make condoms and clean needles available to those who otherwise might contract the disease.
I will also, as stated previously, vigorously pursue diplomatic tracks in conflict areas in order to address the root causes that have led to such large numbers of IDPs in the first place.
For unemployment, the best answer is to grow Africa’s economy, and the best method of achieving that is to foster good, open governance throughout the continent.
From a military-management point of view, I am glad to see that the Pentagon finally gave Africa its own command (AFRICOM), but I remain skeptical of some of the claims that parts of Africa are the next Afghanistan in terms of providing fertile ground for terrorist-training camps and jihadi proselytizing. Nevertheless, it is good to see our forces working and training with friendly militaries in the region, especially in North and East Africa.
7. The creation of a combined Africa Command, uniting military, diplomatic and humanitarian assistance personnel under one umbrella, has many in civil society concerned about what is perceived to be a militarization of Africa policy. The concern is that the War on Terror is at the top of all considerations for U.S. action, such as has been the case recently in Somalia. As President, what would be your overall policy thrust toward Africa? How important a role would you assign to military and intelligence considerations in devising an Africa policy? What policies would be adjusted to minimize the security dangers from insecurity due to high unemployment among young, rising numbers of orphans due to AIDS and conflicts and the large number of internally displaced persons?
I would begin by emphasizing bilateral military training and assistance programs to those African governments that meet good-governance standards. Our military’s Task Force Horn of Africa is already doing some of this, and I would expand upon those efforts. We need to work together to develop capacity within African militaries so that they can effectively conduct their own peacekeeping operations. Especially important to this task is providing training in logistic support, personnel management, and human rights training.
I would also offer direct logistical support to African Union peacekeeping missions so that troops and material can be delivered to theater in a timely fashion, and I would offer diplomatic and economic incentives to encourage African nations to volunteer their troops to African peacekeeping operations.
8. Africa’s institutions are increasingly more active in peacekeeping and peacemaking. Most notably, the Economic Community of West African States served as the primary mediator and peacekeeping force in the sub-region during the conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau. More recently, the AU has dispatched missions to Darfur, Sudan, Burundi, and Somalia. However, Africa’s sub-regional and continental organizations suffer from severe logistical, resource and capacity constraints. How will the US Government in your Administration work to increase their effectiveness in peace activities, as well as in other governance and economic pursuits?
I strongly support the ideals of NEPAD and APRM as development and accountability standards. Eradicating poverty, promoting sustainable growth, integrating Africa into the world economy, and accelerating the empowerment of women are all goals with which I agree. The African Peer Review Mechanism is likewise a concept I endorse-only when African leaders are judged by other African leaders can real change begin.
Strengthening these organizations, however, is not something that the United States can simply mandate. The best way to achieve that aim is to provide incentives, through bilateral aid and other diplomatic and economic levers, for countries to adopt standards of good and open governance. As this happens, NEPAD and APRM will develop strength organically.
9. Over the last five years, African states have taken bold steps towards institutional reform through the adoption of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and its accompanying African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). These new institutions seek to increase economic development and encourage good corporate and political governance. Indeed, the 2002 G8 summit at Kananakis, Canada, adopted NEPAD as the framework by which it would approach development assistance. How will you, as President, work to reinforce NEPAD and the APRM as development and accountability standards for Africa?
No answer given.
10. It is estimated that women in African nations are responsible for three-quarters of all agricultural work and comprise about three-quarters of overall economic output. Nevertheless, women continue to lack full ability to exercise their political and economic rights in many nations, and girls are still too often prevented from receiving an education that will enable them to take their full place in society. As President, how would you integrate efforts to enhance the status of women and girls in Africa into overall Africa policy?
Violence against women and girls is an especially horrific problem, and one that cannot be ignored. Most directly, we can refuse to offer bilateral aid or preferential trade agreements with government that effect state-sponsored violence against women or that actively discriminate against them.
The most effective long-term solution, of course, must come from within, and that requires education. This is important for two primary reasons. One, educating people as to women’s inherent human rights is a fundamentally important step. And two, educated women themselves are in many areas finding better jobs and becoming more empowered through their education. While this is not yet the rule throughout the continent, it is a hopeful sign.
Additionally, I would capitalize on some of the cultural tendencies within some sub-Saharan countries that emphasize the importance of women in the management of funds, business, and civil society. It is important to work together to find common cultural ground where is exists.